Improvisational Theater Education
Improvisational Theater Performance
Human Resource Management
Improvisational Theater Performance
Improvisational Theater Education
Education and Training
- BA with Honors, Haverford College, 1997
- JD, University of Hawaii School of Law, 2002
- Certificate of Specialization in Pacific Asian Law, 2002
- Member, New York State Bar, 2nd District, Admitted 2005
Warner, D. and Sessford, J., “Willingness to Communicate as a Factor in Determining Whether Foreigners Attain a Non-Programmed Level of Chinese Language Proficiency in Shanghai,” USST Second Annual Conference and Learning and Teaching Forum, Sino-British College, Shanghai, China, Oct. 26-27, 2017.
Arvesen, M., Zivlak, N. and Warner, D., “Opportunities and Challenges for Norwegian Shipping Industry and Its Companies Within Belt and Road Initiative,” XVII International Scientific Conference on Industrial Systems, University of Novi Sad, Serbia, Oct. 4-6, 2017, pp. 512-517.
Warner, D., “The Principle of Consistency in Chinese Improvisation,” Hambook, vol. 2, no. 3, 2017, pp.
Awards and Honors
Foreign Language Area Studies Fellowship 2020-2021
My research interests derive from practical considerations of how best to utilize improvisation and group storytelling for the production of media content for native Chinese audiences. From an academic perspective, these interests touch on a number of related fields, such as narratology, performance theory, cultural anthropology, humor studies, sociology, philosophy and area studies, in addition to tangential legal considerations of how to improve equity for actors in the Chinese entertainment industry and to structure contract negotiations in China. Applications for this research may include, inter alia, media content generation, digital and online content consumption, audience participation, narrative analysis, contract structure and intercultural awareness.
My research interests build on fifteen years of living in China, lecturing in law at the undergraduate level while teaching and performing improvisational theater in Chinese on evenings and weekends. My training as a lawyer combined with my studies of communication and pedagogy, working with a highly diverse group of Chinese and international students, led me to develop a methodology of teaching improvisation that involves an application of Chinese indigenous philosophies. On an academic level, I seek to explore the nature of Chinese improvisation; how philosophical forces in a non-atavistic setting coalesce to influence the process of group story creation and theatrical creativity with Chinese characteristics; how it influences performers and the audience, how it is used to create content and how it serves as a catalyst for both individual and group psychological growth and development.
In addition to teaching and performing, I served for multiple years as the first creative director of the largest English language improvisation group in China, (Zmack Improvisation) building it from a small group into an internationally-known, profitable educational institution. I founded and ran the first Chinese language improvisation group in Shanghai for ten years, (yuzhou jile tuan) teaching university students and recent graduates, some of whom have achieved national acclaim. I was the creative director of the largest Chinese improvisation school in China (fei lai jixing) and was invited to teach required courses in Chinese improvisation for performance and theater education students at the Shanghai Theater Academy for a number of years. I have also worked with a variety of media partners such as Alibaba, Shanghai Media Group, Houghton Street Productions, kaixin mahua, and served as consultant on Chinese sketch comedy television shows in addition to being the creative director of an internet television show.
Academic literature in this field is sparce, in part because of the multidisciplinary nature of this research, in part because Chinese improvisation and the content to which it leads are relatively new to China and have had insufficient exposure in the international academic community. One practical application of improvisation in China is its use in the development and creation of Chinese sketch comedy television shows. Three such shows were produced in China between 2017 and 2020. Each of these shows was unsuccessful. Two were unlicensed clones of the American television show Saturday Night Live while the third was a licensed version. Given the amount of money, time and talent available for these shows, not to mention the success of both Korean and Japanese versions of the same show, a research question I am currently exploring is why the Chinese version of Saturday Night Live was neither financially successful nor well-received by audiences in China. Thus, my academic interest in this field is initially contextualized within narrative theory and humor studies.
There is relatively little research on the application of narrative theory towards sketch comedy shows, even in Western countries where they are more prevalent. Improvisation overlaps with sketch comedy both because of the focus on the scene and because it is common for sketch comedy performers to study and employ improvisational techniques in their writing and performance.
In terms of structural narratology, Chinese storytelling, improvisation and sketch comedy would initially find common ground with studies of discourse and story, event and existents, (Chatman, 295) kernels and satellites and the pedagogically-oriented Scene Function Model (SFM). (Porter, et al 24) The SFM is used to analyze television serials and series by identifying specific, discrete narrative functions that show how scenes advance or enhance the narrative. These theories may be applied to visualize patterns and increase clarity as to how scenes elicit certain reactions from the viewers, including the initial perceived function of a scene relative to the entire narrative, the effect of novice viewers on perceptions and intertwining storylines with multiple narrative layers. Elements of character also have significance, beginning with early Russian formalist literary critics such as Propp and Tomachevsky, Chatman’s argument on equality of character and plot, Jane Feuer’s view of character as the show’s main focus and Porter’s belief that an emphasis on character is the “defining quality of television narratives.” (ibid. 24)
There are also similarities between the analysis of sketch comedy and that of reality television. Both qualitative and quantitative studies have shown that attraction to reality television shows is based on the “social and performative aspects of the program.” (Hill, 323) In the case of the show “Big Brother”, the audience focused on “the degree of actuality, on real people’s improvised performances in the program” which led to the search for a “moment of authenticity” when people were real in an unreal environment. (ibid. 323) Reality television seeks to “capitalize on the tension between performance and authenticity.” (ibid. 324) Sketch comedy too features moments of authenticity as the audience watches the actors and stage crew prepare on the fly for each scene and as actors occasionally “break character” and laugh.
Improvisation theory is applied to this research because it contains a large corpus of techniques utilized to generate short, humorous stand-alone scenes, many of which are employed by sketch comedy shows for idea generation. Thus, a potential narrative analysis of sketch comedy would find similarities with the analysis of improvisation.
Improvisation can be separated into two types: short form and long form. In short form improvisation, scenes, typically called “games”, are largely unrelated to each other. Each “game” uses a gimmick for humor and is under ten minutes long. There may be “callbacks” from earlier scenes to repeat or emphasize a joke, but there is neither development of character nor continuity of storylines. Long form improvisation, on the other hand, usually has one to two continuous storylines that last anywhere from thirty minutes to an hour, without any gimmicks. Within these storylines are numerous scenes allowing the characters to develop and grow. Improvisational analysis is contextualized within the works of practitioner-teachers, such as Viola Spolin, Mick Napier, Charna Halpern, Del Close, Kenn Adams and Keith Johnstone. Additional dramatic theorists such as Lee Strasberg, Sanford Meisner, Augusto Boal and Jacques Lecoq are also contextually relevant in analyzing improvisation, sketch comedy and Chinese storytelling.
While Chinese improvisation is defined in part by its very lack of reliance on comedic tropes, improvisation is primarily used in sketch comedy for the purpose of creating humorous scenes. Humor studies defines this as the “tendency to experience or express what is amusing and funny, which is always accompanied with emotional response and vocal-behavioral expressions, such as laughter and smiling.” (Jiang et al, 124) As my research is fundamentally intercultural, it will require a cultural exploration of the types of humor: self-enhancing, affiliative, self-defeating and aggressive, with self-enhancing and affiliative being adaptive forms of humor, and self-defeating and aggressive being maladaptive. (ibid. 125)
In the West, humor is seen as a desirable trait, important in everyday life and a part of a positive self-image. Humorous people are thought to be more attractive and humor is considered “an essential element of psychological health”. Freud regarded humor as a defense mechanism against obstacles and distress. (ibid. 124)
Easterners do not typically hold as positive an attitude towards humor. (ibid. 123) In China, humor is not always seen as a desirable personality trait, nor is it seen as an essential element of creativity. The attitude towards humor in China is ambivalent in three respects: “the first is valuing humor but considering themselves to lack the trait of humor. The second is how being humorous is not associated with being an orthodox Chinese. The third is that humor is not important for everyone but exclusively for those with expertise.” (ibid. 124)
These attitudes are, in part, reflective of social Confucianism, which devalues humor, stressing restriction and seriousness. “Chinese are reluctant to admit they are humorous out of fear of jeopardizing their social status.” (ibid. 124) Taoism, on the other hand regards humor as “an attempt of having witty, peaceful and harmonious interactions with nature”” (ibid. 124)
As China is a main player on the international stage, and Chinese media is enormously influential, laughter in China is a serious subject, one that “remains a marginalized topic in scholarship of Chinese culture, both within China and abroad.” (Rao, p.404) The academic study of Chinese humor can be contextualized by looking at the winner of the 2017 Joseph Levinson Book Prize, Christopher Rea’s “The Age of Irreverence: A New History of Laughter in China.”
Rea’s primary assertion in The Age of Irreverence is that while China from 1900 to 1937 was characterized by crises and socio-political upheaval, it was concurrently a formative time for the development of humor. Despite the modern conception of pre-1949 China as a period of suffering, Rea asserts that China’s Republic Period was a time cultural liberalization, breaking rules, mocking “intransigent behavior” and pursuing fun. (ibid. 9) As Rea notes, his book “chronicles changes in how Chinese people laughed, what they laughed at, and how they talked about laughter, as well as what drove those changes,” (ibid. 14)
In this diachronic narrative, Rea separates Chinese humor into six forms: jokes (xiaohua), games (youxi), mockery (maren), farce (huaji), humor (youmo) and satire or sarcasm; (fengci) based in part on the shifting semantic categories of humor which evolved along with the language. (ibid. 26) Rea opens with a discussion of jokes (xiaohua) and introduces Wu Jianren, one of the first Chinese modern writers to propose that “to influence people through writing, humorous language works better than stern rhetoric.” (ibid. 38) Rea also explains what he calls the “truth-claim” nature of jokes. In English, jokes are not true stories. In China, xiaohua means a funny short narrative that could be fictional or veracious. (ibid. 23) During the Cultural Revolution, jokes were rebranded as folk art. (ibid.162)
Games (youxi) includes puns, riddles, cartoons, amusement halls, distorted mirrors, popular plays, novels, slapstick films, drinking songs, magic tricks and trick photography. (ibid. 40) Mockery (maren) is a narrow form of humor; that of irreverent, caustic ridicule used to insult and castigate through writings. Rea gives examples of works that mock Confucianism and insist on dialect, vernacular and local idioms, and how China’s cultural and political future was shaped in part through mudslinging and sarcasm. Farce (huaji) refers to silly, ridiculous and preposterous forms of commercialized humor that catered to “the tastes of ‘petty urbanites’ with modest levels of literacy and disposable income” starting around 1920. (ibid. 107)
Youmo was transliterated from the English word “humor” in 1924 by writer Lin Yutang to explain a sense of urbane, elevated amusement towards life typified by Western attitudes. In this regard, “youmo” was seen as a “humanistic virtue… and as a moral ideal that would refine the individual and civilize the body politic.” (ibid. 29) This reinforces the notion that comedy in China is often seen with an element of the serious, a heavy responsibility and not just a form of relaxed entertainment. Lin Yutang, like Wu Jianren, believed that humor in China had been boorish, appealing to the lowest common denominator, and wanted to place humor on a plateau where Chinese intellectuals could no longer look down on it as had the Confucians.
Rea’s epilogue discusses comedy from 1937 through the Cultural Revolution where only the Communist Party’s confined definition of permissible humor was allowed, used primarily “to express reverence for government policies”. (ibid. 162) The Party endorsed laughter in 1942 when Mao said satire and eulogy were okay, but not youmo except xiangsheng, the traditional, highly-stylized, comedic two-man scenes, also known as “cross-talk”. While Rea would seem to agree that “China’s modern history is one of lost laughter” (ibid. 7) he argues, cogently, that that “this was modern China’s first, but not last, age of irreverence”. (ibid. 159)
Research on why Saturday Night Live was not successful in China and on group content creation also involves flow theory, as developed by Hungarian-American psychologist Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi. He maintained the proposition that a good life is one that is characterized by complete absorption in one what does. In the theory of flow, perceived challenges stretch existing skills with clear proximal goals and immediate feedback. It is postulated that this leads to intrinsic state motivation for peak performance. Flow theory is relevant to my research as the group flow state can lead to peak creative performance for Chinese groups using improvisation to create content. Additionally, Giovanni Moneta applied flow theory to Chinese students using the Experience Sampling Method in a comparative study leading to the development of what Moneta termed the “Tao state”, a flow state analogue culturally specific to Chinese students. As my primary experience was working with Chinese university students and recent graduates, and as most of the improvisational and sketch comedy actors in China are in this age range and expected to work in groups to generate creative content, this is directly applicable to my research.
Another element of my research relates to indigenous Chinese philosophical belief systems, particularly Taoism and Confucianism. In addition to the use of foundational texts such as Confucius’ Analects and Lao Tzu’s Tao Te Ching, my research is contextualized within the academic studies of applied Chinese philosophy, such as Russel Kirkland’s study of the “imagined” Taoism in the West, which he feels is synonymous with fatuous spiritual ideals marketed to Americans. He argues that the concept of the “individual” is a cultural construct that interprets Taoism as a proto-humanist doctrine endorsing a Western agenda and that Taoism in the West is a form of intellectual colonialism.
Another context is that of Chinese scholars using applied Chinese philosophy such as Zhang Lijuan, who demonstrates that traditional Chinese theatrical performances were often integrated with religious activities. Zhang provides evidence of how the Xianggong Tapeng (相公踏棚), an element used in Puxian Opera, is closely linked to Taoist altar purification rites, and how lyrics used are very similar to traditional Taoist incantations. This is useful for my research as it shows how Taoist rites can have a meaningful place in staged theatrical performances and that even modern Chinese theater could still use elements of traditional philosophies or religions.
PRIMARY SOURCE USE
In my research, the foundation of primary sources will be cultural and anthropological fieldwork such as interviews with actors, directors, producers and writers of Chinese televisions shows as well as with performers and teachers of improvisation in China. This will include observations of television development teams, based largely on contacts I developed while working at International Channel Shanghai, a division of the Shanghai Media Company, subsequent to winning a large Chinese reality television show aired by the same network. These will be similar to the semi-structured interviews and observations made by similar scholarly research on reality television shows (Wei, 449)
My fieldwork will serve to supplement the few currently-available primary sources regarding Chinese sketch comedy and improvisation. There have been a small handful of interviews published with Chinese actors who have studied improvisation or performed sketch comedy. There are also a limited number of interviews available from my contemporaries, such as Jessie Appell, a foreign improvisation instructor living in Beijing who gave a Q&A interview with the Los Angeles Review of Books in 2014. This interview is one of the very few currently available that provides a bottom-up perspective on the burgeoning improvisation and comedy movement in Beijing as it existed in early 2014.
A second form of primary research essential to my analyses will be videos of Chinese sketch comedy and improvisation, which are utilized for application of narratology and performance studies theories. These videos allow the presentation of methodologies and frameworks and can be compared with similar types of videos originating outside China, both from East Asia and from the West. One example is a video featuring Jesse Appell from the first and only season of the Chinese sketch comedy television show “Diss Family” (maofan jiazu) poking fun at the use of digital payments, the common experience of petty theft in China and the lack of trust in police and security guards, available at: https://play.tudou.com/v_show/id_XMzI3MzY3MTM4MA==.html.
Primary sources such as this present valuable information. This video features Jesse Appell, three years after his interview with the Los Angeles Review of Books. As Jesse noted in the 2014 interview, “if Chinese writers write for you, their sense of what a foreigner says and does is not even close” comparing foreign actors speaking Chinese to “dancing monkeys, because it’s written by Chinese people for Chinese people, but the person saying it doesn’t look Chinese.” In this video clip, Jesse is portrayed doing exactly what he described. He has succeeded in being hired by a television show, is now employed as a performer, and is executing his role as prescribed, the foolish foreigner agape, speaking Chinese in a parroted, exaggerated Beijing accent in a strange and alien land.
This primary source also evidences of a certain level of openness in the Chinese media industry circa 2017. The comedic content of the video, mocking the police and security guards and suggesting that petty theft was rampant and unchecked, demonstrates the ribbing and sarcasm that was allowed on state-run television in China at the time. The first sketch comedy show in China, Golden Night (jinye bailemen), which aired the previous year in 2016, was hosted by a famous transgender dancer turned host, Jin Xing. She has since been removed from television.
Videos such as this present a relatively top-down perspective, as this video comes from a large budget television show created by an expansive Chinese media conglomerate, Xiaoguo Wenhua. The failure of this show also foreshadows that of the much more expensive show, Saturday Night Live China, which Xiaoguo was to produce next. The challenges that Xiaoguo Wenhua faced would be compounded when they were co-producing Saturday Night Live with two other large media companies: Youku and Dongfang Weishi.
In context with other sources, this primary research exists as part of a larger snapshot of the introduction of modern Western sketch comedy television shows to China. This began in large part with the introduction of Western improvisational comedy, which began in approximately 2007.
For research on Chinese storytelling as it relates to television and improvisation, there are a variety of relevant and available visualization tools that highlight different aspects of the data. These visualization tools can help scholars to identify new threads of questioning, new directions and patterns in research that are not as clear from a purely textual perspective. For the reader, data visualizations can bring otherwise dry or complex information into a more vibrant and understandable format. Additionally, particularly as the data concerns creative endeavors, visualizations allow the data to take on a form of beauty through the use of color, shape, size, length, frequency and time to bring order to vast amounts of information. While scholars may have always found beauty in the raw text and data, visualizations can bring this beauty to a larger audience.
My research currently utilizes four forms of data visualizations. The first form is that of annotated videos. This is critical, as a main form of primary research for the topic of digitally-distributed performances is videos of said performances. The benefits of an annotated video are that the viewer has the experience of watching the video while a discursive analysis is being presented, thus removing the need to move from text to video in a study. The challenge is that the video must be watched in a linear fashion to view how the annotations are structured and presented. Annotated videos complement a more traditional narrative analysis well as lining the research up with the object of the research, allowing for immediate comparisons. An example of this form of data visualization is an annotated video clip from the Chinese sketch comedy television show Golden Night (今夜百乐门) using a narrative analysis model that I am currently developing.
Annotated Video File from Golden Night (available at: https://ant.umn.edu/uixxhpyehl)
A second form of data visualization relevant for my research is that of textual analysis. This form of visualization utilizes written data such as fan feedback, chat boards, blogs about the shows and actors and comments on videos posted either on internet websites or social media platforms. This data can provide valuable information on how the scenes and shows were received by the audience, what attracted the audience, how these forms of performance are critically viewed, whether they are commercially viable or socially acceptable.
Possible biases are that fan reactions may be negative while hiding the financial success of a show, or vice versa where fan comments might be positive while the show was a financial and critical failure. Textual visualization complements more traditional quantitative methods of collecting primary data or qualitative methods of surveys and interviews, and points in directions that could not be perceived without the help of software. Possible drawbacks are that a corpus is required and current shows have a dearth of written information. Additionally, what written information does exist is written colloquially using words and phrases that are non-traditional coming from internet youth culture and therefore are potentially both less descriptive and harder to analyze for a non-native Chinese speaker.
One aspirational goal with word cloud visualizations is to compare positive Chinese words and phrases such as “humor, funny, laugh” with more negative phrases such as “boring, stupid, dumb” when looking at fan comments for the three extant Chinese sketch comedy television shows or for videos of Chinese improvisation. A further approach would be to utilize sentiment analysis and the coding of words as positive or negative. An example of the use of word clouds is a textual visualization using the website Voyant with a zhihu blogpost fan discussion of the show Golden Night as the corpus and changing the options for the stop list to include common Chinese particles and words. This shows the frequency of occurrence of words in the blogposts.
Voyant word cloud of fan comments regarding the show Golden Night on the Chinese blogpost platform zhihu (available at: https://www.zhihu.com/question/50649805)
A third form of data visualization is quantitative, where numerical data is expressed visually in forms such as charts, graphs, maps or diagrams. One benefit is that large data sets may be employed and reduced graphically to a more comprehensible whole. An example of this is Bakhshi and Throsby’s study of 20,542 digital bookings for a performance of the stage play Phedre at the Royal National Theater in London with a concurrent statistical analysis of whether a live streamed performance influenced in situ ticket sales. Their study effectively used a data-driven statistical computer model to demonstrate significant relationships using a Tobit analysis in the statistical software, STATA.
Their research demonstrated that live streamed performances were statistically associated with an increase in bookings, implying “that theater companies can significantly expand their audience reach through digital broadcasts to cinemas without cannibalizing their audiences at the theater.” (Bakhshi et al, 7) A similar methodology could be applied to performances in China to demonstrate the viability of incorporating live streams with both synchronous and asynchronous performances in order to complement ticket sales for in situ shows, which could lead to advantageous partnerships between theatrical organizations and online video platforms or television stations.
For scaled surveys, the benefit of quantitative data visualizations is that each question is easily perceived in terms of general trends, averages, percentages, scores and rates. One aspect of my research utilizes a survey of 162 improvisational actors in China that I conducted in September 2018 in Shanghai for a paper entitled “The Influence of Natural Chinese Philosophy on Shared Flow in Mainland Chinese Improvisational Theater”. This survey contained a total of 27 questions with six background questions and 19 Likert scale questions grouped into four categories: Flow Theory, Structural Barriers, Confucianism and Taoism.
Initially, bar charts and pie charts were created for each question. The bar chart was preferable to the pie chart as the bar charts listed numbers of participants, percentages and averages in addition to an easy to compare, monochromatic visualization. While more colorful and visually pleasing, the pie chart was less easy to read. A shortcoming of the bar and pie chart data visualizations was that 19 Likert scale questions required 19 different charts, which was challenging to visualize as a group.
Bar chart of Question 19 from survey of 162 actors using the Chinese survey software tengxun wenjuan
Pie Chart of Question 19 from survey of 162 actors using the Chinese survey software tengxun wenjuan
A second method of quantitative data visualization involves the software Tabeau, which can organize and present data in a wide array of formats. My survey of 162 actors was applied to Tableau to create two charts. The first chart shows two survey questions organized by age where each bar represents a participant. The second chart took a representative sample of thirty participants and three questions and organized their answers by choice of Likert scores 1, 2 or 3. While these charts were not themselves effective in displaying overall trends, they demonstrate directions in which to move forwards with quantitative data visualizations.
Questions 16-17 Expressed on Tableau by Age (https://public.tableau.com/profile/bokich#!/vizhome/David1/Sheet1?publish=yes)
Questions 16-18 Expressed on Tableau by Number of Participants Giving Likert Rating of 1-3 (sample of 30 participants)
My current research focuses on why the sketch comedy television program Saturday Night Live was not successful in China. Future research will focus on Chinese improvisation, both in defining this as a form of performance and as creating academic frameworks for its research and application. Legal considerations will also be analyzed as anthropological and sociological elements of modern performative culture in China. Ultimately, the purpose will be not only for greater clarity on effective narrative structures in Chinese storytelling, but also for the practical purpose of developing a more successful form of improvisationally-inspired television show for the native Chinese market, which includes equitably enforceable contracts for the participants. In addition the use of flow theory and improvisation have great potential in the field of education, particularly at the primary and high school levels in China. This would further the Chinese government’s interest in increased creativity, group work and innovative problem-solving.
Ash, Alec. “Funny Bones: A Q&A with Jesse Appell About Comedy in China.” BLARB (blog), February 12, 2014. https://blog.lareviewofbooks.org/chinablog/funny-bones-qa-jesse-appell-comedy-china/.
Bakhshi, Hasan, and David Throsby. “Digital Complements or Substitutes? A Quasi-Field Experiment from the Royal National Theatre.” Journal of Cultural Economics 38, no. 1 (February 2014): 1–8. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10824-013-9201-2.
Chatman, Seymour. “Towards a Theory of Narrative.” New Literary History 6, no. 2 (1975): 295-318. Accessed December 3, 2020. doi:10.2307/468421.
Jiang, Tonglin, Hao Li, and Yubo Hou. “Cultural Differences in Humor Perception, Usage, and Implications.” Frontiers in Psychology 10 (January 29, 2019): 123. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00123.
Hill, Annette. “Big Brother: The Real Audience.” Television & New Media 3, no. 3 (August 2002): 323–40. https://doi.org/10.1177/152747640200300307.
Kirkland, Russell. “The Taoism of the Western Imagination and the Taoism of China: De-Colonializing the Exotic Teachings of the East.” Invited Presentation, University of Tennessee, October 20, 1997.
Moneta, Giovanni B. “The Flow Model of Intrinsic Motivation in Chinese: Cultural and Personal Moderators.” Journal of Happiness Studies 5, no. 2 (2004): 181–217. https://doi.org/10.1023/B:JOHS.0000035916.27782.e4.
Nakamura, Jeanne, and Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi. “The Concept of Flow.” In Flow and the Foundations of Positive Psychology, by Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, 239–63. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2014. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9088-8_16.
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Wei, Junhow. “Dealing with Reality: Market Demands, Artistic Integrity, and Identity Work in Reality Television Production.” Poetics 40, no. 5 (October 2012): 444–66. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.poetic.2012.07.002.
Zhang, Lijuan. “The Relationship between Daoist Rituals and Theatrical Performance: The Case of Xianggong Tapeng in Puxian Theater.” Religions 5, no. 4 (October 14, 2014): 1001–16. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel5041001.
“冒犯家族第一季，艾杰西自行车被偷 歪果仁身份帮大忙,” December 28, 2017. https://video.tudou.com/v/XMzI3MzY3MTM4MA==.html?spm=a2h0k.8191414.0.0&from=s1.8-1-1.2.